At the Gate of a Different (but Also Scary) Embassy
A few months before, and just across the street from where, Aaron Bushnell made his courageous sacrifice, I approached (with the same goal as Aaron) the gate of another embassy.
Fifteen months ago, I turned off Connecticut Avenue and walked west on Van Ness Street in Northwest Washington, DC. I was carrying a manila envelope with a three-page document inside. My heart was pounding. I had no idea how this was going to turn out.
I reached my destination, the Chinese Embassy, and continued west down Van Ness Street, looking for the entrance. At International Drive, I turned left. Across the street was the Israeli Embassy. Do you see the area marked by the red circle in the image below? That’s the gate to the Israeli Embassy where, in excruciating agony, Aaron Bushnell bravely sacrificed his life for us two weeks ago.
Though my mission certainly concerned Israel, I kept walking.
Someday, hopefully, this outpost of evil will be gone and in its place a shrine to Aaron Bushnell’s noble sacrifice will be standing here, visited yearly by millions from around the world in everlasting gratitude.
I continued on around International Drive, which is lined with various embassies on the right. On the left is the Chinese (and Singaporean) Embassy.
Government is always booming.
I was looking for the entrance.
Oh, here we go.
I approached the entrance and pressed the button on the call box. An American security officer was immediately at my side wanting to know why I was there.
I have a document I want to deliver to the Chinese government, I told him, wondering whether my voice was being transmitted somewhere and a black Lincoln SUV was about to come squealing around the corner to whisk me away to some hideous end. A voice responded through the call box, also wondering why I was there.
I have a document I want to deliver to the Chinese government, I said.
You can mail it to this address, the voice came back.
It’s important, I said.
Eventually, I heard a click as someone unlocked the glass door to my left. It opened a crack. I walked over and held out the manila envelope to the woman inside. “We only accept documents through the mail,” she said. “Please mail your document to us.”
As she spoke, I retrieved the three type-written pages from inside the envelope and again held them out to her. “A former student of mine works here,” I lied. “It’s important he sees this.” The woman took the document and quickly read over the first page.
“Please wait here,” she said, and disappeared inside with the three pages.
As I waited, I made small-talk with the American security agent—a good ol’ boy from western Maryland. We were out there for 10-15 minutes. At one point, I heard voices raised inside. Eventually, the door cracked open again and the same woman held out the three pages. Please mail them, she reiterated, we can only accept mailed documents.
I took back the pages, thanked her, and walked away elated. Undoubtedly, the three pages of my document had been copied while they were inside and were probably already being translated. My mission had been a success, and with my elation came a sweet feeling of relief. I was still free, walking back toward Connecticut Avenue, not a black SUV anywhere to be seen.
About a month later, I was en route to Miami on Amtrak when I received a call from China. I answered, “Hello?”
It was a woman’s voice on the other end of the line. “Hello, NAY-ar-san?” she said, pronouncing my last name the way the Chinese do.
“Yes,” I said.
“There is a package…,” she began, but was interrupted by a male voice saying something in Chinese on her end. Then the line went dead, and that was it. I never heard anything more from China or the Chinese.
So, what was in those three pages?
The document was written in the form of a personal letter from me. It began by noting I had lived in China for two years and had developed warm feelings for the Chinese, but that my letter was written for the benefit of my own people. I noted further that for the last six months of my time in China, I had taught at what was then called The Foreign Affairs College in Beijing. This deserves some exposition here, though it wasn’t necessary for a Chinese reader and wasn’t included in my letter.
At the time I taught there, the Spring semester of 1997, the Foreign Affairs College in Beijing was considered the primary feeder college to China’s diplomatic corps. For an ambitious young Chinese, a career in the foreign service was one of the most highly sought-after and prestigious careers there were, so competition to gain acceptance to the Foreign Affairs College was at least as fierce as it was to gain admission to Beijing University or Tsinghua University—China’s two premier universities.
China is a country that believes in tests. Beginning at an early age, the Chinese test their way into schools and careers.1 Since the university at which I taught was one of the most selective in the country, my students were the intellectual crème de la crème of a high-IQ nation of 1.2 billion. These kids were smart.
Almost all the other foreign teachers at the Foreign Affairs College were Americans, and almost all the Americans were Harvard doctoral candidates—smart in their own right and oh-so culturally sensitive. Every opinion expressed about China by my American colleagues (if there were Chinese present) was unfailingly positive (picture educated whites in any multiracial setting in the United States). Thus, there was a somewhat formal cast to their interactions with their students. I, on the other hand, unencumbered by good breeding, said what I thought.
Harvard doctoral candidate foreign teacher: Due to the political instability introduced into China by Western colonialism, economic development in the country was delayed significantly, causing lingering deficiencies in some areas of public accommodation.
NAY-ar-san: Y’all need to clean these filthy toilets.
As a result, I was a popular and trusted teacher. Perhaps my students could sense that, unlike those of some of my colleagues, in particular of a sharp-witted and entertaining Jewish fellow, who, when no Chinese were present, loved to hilariously heap ridicule and scorn on them, my opinions were constant and when I said, for example, I admired the Chinese sense of decorum, my students knew I was being sincere.
In the first minute of my first class on my first day in my first teaching post in China (at Shanxi Da Xue, the major university in the provincial capital of Shanxi, Taiyuan), I looked out across my new classroom. Fifty pairs of slanted eyes looked back at me expectantly. Immediately there arose before my mind a major problem. I could distinguish the males from the females, but otherwise they were identical. “Oh Lord,” I thought to myself, “how am I ever going to keep track of which one is which?” But, gamely, I plunged ahead.
During the course of earning a degree in Western philosophy back in the States, I had developed a special fondness for the great teacher, Socrates, and for Socrates’ teaching method of underhandedly coaxing knowledge out of his students through a series of trick questions. I considered (and still consider) Socrates, through his student Plato, and through Plato’s student Aristotle, to be the true founder of Western civilization in the same way Confucius—another teacher who, like Jesus and Socrates, never wrote anything down—was the founder of Chinese civilization. (Of the three great teachers, by the way, Confucius, alone, was not put to death by his own people, giving weight to the Chinese claim of being the true lovers of education).2
I had already decided, before ever arriving in China, I was going to deploy the Socratic method against my students, so, in one of my first classes, I wrote on the blackboard some question of the type, “Is it better to suffer injustice or to commit it?” Then I turned back to the class and waited for an answer. Fifty faces, belonging to students whose academic experience had consisted of a teacher standing in the front of a class imparting knowledge that they were to remember then reproduce later on a test, were pressed into their books, hoping to avoid attracting my attention. All I could see were the tops of fifty Chinese heads—an angle from which the Chinese are especially indistinguishable. The seconds ticked by in silence. Eventually, when it was clear no one was going to volunteer an answer, I walked into the middle of the class and, picking the top of a head at random, demanded of it, “Well? Is it better to suffer injustice or to commit it?”
There was a long silence before the mortified student over whom I loomed, whose entire life had been spent adhering to the primary Chinese cultural imperative not to stick out, summoned the strength to reply. In a trembling, barely audible voice that seemed to come from under the desk, the poor girl finally gasped, “In China, we think…”
“We think?” I thundered. I strode to the front of the room and wrote in big block letters stretching from one end of the blackboard to the other: WE THINK question mark, question mark, exclamation point. Then, with a dramatic flourish, I crossed out the “WE” with a huge “X,” wrote above it the word, “I,” underlining it several times for emphasis, and, wheeling impressively on my terrified students, bellowed, “I want to know what you think!”
Well, it was a bit of a traumatic beginning for everyone involved, but my students and I quickly found a happy medium. The students adapted to the unfamiliar teaching method like carp to an irrigation ditch. By the end of the semester, one of my main functions in class was to keep the conversation in English as the students, impassioned by the defense of their individual views, found it difficult to refrain from slipping into Chinese to express their own ideas more forcefully to each other.
How about that!
So that’s how I taught in China.3 On the last day of class, in two of my eight classes in Taiyuan, I received a standing ovation from my students, an event as unusual there as here.
I maintained that teaching style throughout my time in China, including at the Foreign Affairs College in Beijing. At the end of the semester there, the students held a banquet, to which their foreign teachers were invited. All the teachers were welcomed politely and formally as they arrived for the banquet and were escorted to their places at the table of honor. Upon my arrival, however, the two hundred or so students rose as one in another standing ovation and, to my colleagues’ and my great shock, cheers and applause filled the banquet hall as I was led by several of my beaming students across the floor to my place at the table with the other foreign teachers. The cheers and applause continued as I made my greetings to my colleagues, continued as I expressed my gratitude to the students for the honor, and continued long after I’d taken my seat and sat there swimming in emotion and, undoubtedly, red as a beet.
I recount this experience now, not to throw accolades at myself (well, not completely, anyway), but to provide context to my approach 25 years later to the gates of the Chinese Embassy in Washington, DC. Many of my former students were by then hitting their strides career-wise. Many of them, no doubt, had reached positions of influence within the Chinese government and its foreign service. It would have been a simple matter for Chinese authorities to identify them and seek their input in deciding how to respond to my letter. I was sure that many of my students would remember me, and that their input would add weight to the contents of my letter.
But how to ensure there was a response at all? I held a trump card, and I played it.
I can identify, I wrote in my letter, who was behind the release of the COVID-19 virus in Wuhan, how they did it, and why. Moreover, I can explain how my allegation can be proven using Chinese investigators and Chinese sources. If, upon investigation, my claim is determined to be valid, the content of the rest of my letter should be given the attention and urgency it deserves.
I wrote: the culprit behind the release of the coronavirus in Wuhan was Israel. Using rogue elements within the US military loyal to Israel rather than the United States, the Israelis used the occasion of the World Military Games in Wuhan to introduce the virus to China via the infected athletes on the American team (and, simultaneously, by some other means, among the leadership of Israel’s arch-enemy, distant Iran).
That’s the “who” and the “how” of the outbreak in Wuhan. The “why” can be deduced from a book that is the main concern of this letter, I wrote, through which, in turn, the method of proof can be discovered.
To China and the rest of the world, the United States most resembles a spoiled brat with a loaded gun throwing a temper tantrum, I wrote, using that exact analogy. Dangerous, unpredictable, impervious to reason, and out of control. To a foreign observer, American policy, both domestic and foreign, seems inexplicably irrational and intentionally self-destructive. In truth, it seems so to many of us Americans, as well, I wrote, though, like the rest of the world, the great majority of us are at a loss to explain the cause of this malevolent state of affairs.
However, there is a book written in the 1950s that describes with such explanatory power a hidden force at work in the world that its premise is undeniable. Once possessed of the knowledge in that book, the chaotic, random lurching of the United States from one inexplicable, self-destructive disaster to the next is transformed suddenly from something that appears completely irrational to something appearing perfectly reasonable—even predictable.
The book is called The Controversy of Zion. It was written by Douglas Reed, a European correspondent for the Times of London during the interwar period, who resigned his position toward the end of World War II in protest of the censorship that was preventing the British public from understanding the true nature of the civilization-destroying forces that had plunged the entire world into bloody conflict.
The Controversy of Zion is the most important book written in English during the 20th Century, I continued. It is a monumental achievement in which the designs are exposed of an ancient and global Jewish conspiracy determined to rule the world. The fate of all humanity—including the Chinese—is enslavement or extermination if this conspiracy succeeds. The slaves who exist in this future world will exist for the sole purpose of serving a tiny, priestly class—God’s chosen people—who will rule with absolute power over the entire world. This isn’t wild conjecture. Reed’s book demonstrates that this has been the openly stated goal of the conspiracy since its inception in Babylon 26 centuries ago up to modern times and shows in painstaking detail the almost unbelievable gains it has made toward achieving its goals.
My own people, tragically, are almost completely subjugated, I wrote. We are slated for “utter destruction” and are like helpless cattle in a holding pen awaiting slaughter. Our power has been hijacked and is in service to the goals of the conspiracy. And since the conspiracy is willing to inflict unlimited destruction in order to achieve its ends, there is no military power on earth that can stand against it.
Save one: the combined might of Russia and China.
It is clear, I continued in the letter, that the Russian leadership is well aware of this conspiracy. In a recent speech in Moscow, Russian president Vladimir Putin appeared to go off script and said that the West had fallen under the control of a powerful elite that was willing to sacrifice Israel itself in order to achieve its ends. “Believe it or not,” he said, “but it’s true.” By his use of the phrase “willing to sacrifice Israel itself,” Putin made it clear that, not only does he understand exactly who the conspiracy is, he understands its nature on a very deep level.
I believe it will be a great benefit both to the Chinese people and to all of humanity, I wrote, if The Controversy of Zion is translated into Chinese and the information it contains is made available to policymakers in China. That is the purpose of this letter.
And now to demonstrate the power conveyed to the reader of this book to interpret with accuracy world events.
The conspiracy operates on the world stage through its directive: “Let’s you and him fight.” Always, it seeks war between the peoples of the world. By this means, it weakens others and increases its own strength. When viewed this way, the hidden hand of the conspiracy can be seen at work. America’s foolish and catastrophic invasion of Iraq and Russia’s pointless and murderous conflict with Ukraine are just two recent examples of this principle at work. Both are conflicts that only make sense when seen through the eyes of the conspiracy.
The Covid-19 attack on China is another example. It is widely believed in China—and with good reason—that the US military was involved in the attack. But what possible benefit to the United States accrues from such an attack? There is none. Indeed, given the highly provocative nature of such an attack—it is, in fact, an overt act of war—American involvement in the attack is so irresponsible and inexplicable as to beggar belief. The only outcome of the Wuhan attack was to move the world’s two major superpowers much closer to war. It drastically strengthened the hand of the hawks within the Chinese military and made the Chinese people far more likely to support—indeed demand—all-out war with the United States. With the understanding gained from reading Douglas Reed’s book, the “why” of the Covid-19 attack becomes perfectly clear—painfully apparent, in fact. “Let’s you and him fight.”
The interpretation of the Covid-19 attack in Wuhan as an Israeli operation meant to bring the world closer to a major war between the United States and China is bolstered by the curious circulation of a memo by the US military’s Defense Intelligence Agency among American commanders in the Pacific region warning of an outbreak in Wuhan in November, 2019, before Chinese authorities themselves were aware of the outbreak. The memo was “leaked” to ABC News, which, in April, 2020, reported on it.4 The report was denied by the Pentagon, only to be verified subsequently by an Israeli media outlet reporting that such a memo had, indeed, been circulated among American military commanders (and Israel) the previous November.
There could now be no doubt in the minds of the Chinese military and civilian leadership that the US military was involved in the attack in Wuhan. But the “why” of it—the intentional provocation of pointless and unnecessary war—remains impenetrable to the Chinese without the understanding provided in The Controversy of Zion.
It is evident that an essential task of the successful warmonger is to inflame the passions of the common people in support of war. If our understanding of the Wuhan attack as informed by Douglas Reed’s book is correct, then, there would have been an effort by Israel to increase the pressure on the Chinese leadership to respond to the Wuhan attacks militarily by convincing the average Chinese of American culpability for the attacks. Unlike the situation in the US, where Israel can issue marching orders directly to the heads of media organizations (not to mention Congress, the White House, and 70 million Christian fundamentalist dupes), the Chinese maintain control over their own media.
An Israeli propaganda campaign in China, therefore, would need to be more subtle and more diffuse.
So, I issued a challenge in the letter I delivered to the Chinese Embassy: I will put up the credibility of Douglas Reed’s The Controversy of Zion as a powerful analytical tool for explaining world events in a prediction: if Chinese investigators look into the emails received by individual journalists, editors, and Chinese-language media outlets, both inside and outside China, they will likely discover a spike in traffic from Israel and Israel-affiliated organizations around the world to Chinese-language media-related email addresses from the start of Chinese media reports about the outbreak. The emails will point out the poor performance of the Americans at the World Military Games in Wuhan back in October and suggest that this be taken as evidence the Americans were already suffering from Covid-19 complications at that time.
An Israeli effort to cast the United States as culpable in the Covid-19 attack on China should be taken as a powerful endorsement of the “why” of the attack deduced from Reed’s book and should convince the Chinese government to back an effort to have the book translated and made available to Chinese policy-makers and military strategists. There is no better explanation of the forces at work in the world than Reed’s book, in my view, and the more those forces are understood by world leaders, the more likely it is the world will unite against them, which is, I believe, the only way those forces can be defeated militarily.
My trump card consisted in the fact that I knew, if they looked, the Chinese would find those emails. When I wrote the letter, I already had evidence—sent to me by an associate in Taiwan—that those emails existed exactly as I described them.
All efforts made in a political effort are a success insofar as they were efforts made, but did my letter have any impact beyond that? I don’t know, but a few months after the mysterious phone call I received from China while on the train to Miami, China, for the first time, openly stood with Russia on the world stage against the NATO menace and the Jews who run the US State Department, providing Russia with weapons and military technology in its fight against the Talmudic conspiracy.
Yeah, I don’t care. I’m taking credit.
I wrote this long post in honor of Aaron Bushnell, who sacrificed his life in an effort to accomplish the same thing I was trying to accomplish when I delivered my challenge to the Chinese Embassy. The evil conspiracy has us by the hair of our heads. Somehow, we need to free ourselves from its power, whatever it takes. That was Aaron’s and my shared goal. We will no longer be complicit in genocide.
Agree with what Aaron Bushnell did, or not, it would be foolish and disgraceful not to try to use his sacrifice to accomplish exactly what his stated aim was when he immolated himself in front of the Israeli Embassy. It doesn’t matter whether you agree with suicide or not. It doesn’t matter whether you think his act was worthwhile or not. It doesn’t matter whether your religion forbids what he did, or whether he should have been protesting something else, or whether you think he could have accomplished more by doing something else, or whether the New York Times has convinced you Aaron was mentally ill. None of that matters. The only thing that matters is that we stop butchering children for YHWH, that we stop allowing our own souls to wallow in the filth with Benjamin Netanyahu, John Bolton, John Hagee, Benjamin Cardin, Lindsay Graham, and the rest of the criminals. The only thing that matters is that we free ourselves from our ignorant, cowardly, lazy, greedy, uneducated, low-class fidelity to evil. That was the goal of Aaron’s protest, and it should be unequivocally your goal as well.
As I’ve written repeatedly, the only phenomenon that I can see with the transformative power capable of freeing us from the Talmudic toils ensnaring us is a religious revolution. The purity of Aaron’s motives and his transcendent determination to take a stand against evil lends his act a divine power. The Jews recognized this immediately and came out in force to diminish and disparage his unbelievably courageous act. (It is amazing, if you look at the accounts behind many of the attacks on my writing in Aaron’s defense, how many of them were opened in the first days after February 25.)
All who oppose the slaughter of innocent children, all who hate our slavish obedience to the Zionist murder turds of Israel, all of us need to stand with Aaron one hundred percent. A great way to do that is to join the “Thank You Aaron Bushnell” campaign by ordering a free yard sign emblazoned with that message. The first batch of signs has been ordered and is on its way. The signs will be sent out the minute they arrive to those who’ve already sent their addresses. You can help honor Aaron’s sacrifice and stand with him in solidarity by ordering your own sign.
As I approached the Chinese Embassy fifteen months ago, I had no idea what the outcome of my action would be. I was frightened and I knew, at the time, that this was the second most courageous thing I had ever done. I had to really steel myself to go through with it. The courage I had to summon compared to the courage Aaron Bushnell summoned just across the street a few months later was like the disturbance in the air made by the flight of a gnat compared to that of a tornado.
Drink deeply of that courage, my people. He did it for us.
I once visited a ping-pong training facility in China that was an enormous building, like an airplane hangar, filled from one end to the other with ping-pong tables. At each table, nine and ten-year-olds vigorously played ping-pong. It was quite a sight. I was told that these kids were training for the Olympics. They had tested into the training program at a very young age. They spent hours every day doing with marvelous skill exactly what I was watching them do. They had been doing that for years, and would continue doing that for many years to come until a few of the very best would be selected for the Chinese national team. The kids were from all over China. Many of them saw their parents only a few weeks out of the year, but their parents, said my guide, considered it a very great honor that their child was there hoping to represent China on the world stage.
The response to almost any question put to a Chinese concerning any aspect of Chinese culture begins with the words, “China has a very long history, so…”
I would interrupt my student, “Wait. The United States has a much longer history than China.” This always resulted in dumbfounded silence. Somewhere, in the distance, a dog barked. “Sure,” I would continue. “The United States is 220 years old. China is only 48 years old.”
“Ahh,” they would laugh. “You are talking about the People’s Republic of China. We’re talking about Chinese civilization.”
“Well,” I would sniff with arch modesty, “if you are talking about civilization, I, too, come from a very old civilization. Confucius and Aristotle were contemporaries.”
It is a testament to the perverse malignancy of TPTB that, despite numerous attempts, I have never been able to secure a teaching position in the United States at any level.
To my knowledge, the reporter who reported on this “classified” information is not currently incarcerated in Bel Marsh prison.
Great article and stories, Craig. A couple of quick thoughts..... Wouldn't the Chinese gov't already be aware of the Zionists' influence seeing that there was, from what I've gathered, a significant Jewish element in the Communist ''cultural'' revolution? Your teaching experiences were amazing...''unencumbered by good breeding'' was perhaps the best line of all, lol. The banquet account, where you were honored with standing ovations, gave me goosebumps and brought and tears to my eyes. Did you ever receive any backlash, from administration, for teaching the students to think for themselves?? Speaking of Aaron Bushnell, R.I.P., I've seen a couple of recent incidences of U.S. military personnel coming forward to speak out against our governments support for the Entity. One was a youngish retired military intelligence woman, who spoke on video about the technology that Israel/US have that can determine if there are civilians/children inside a building, with the point being that civilians were clearly being targeted. Another was a letter signed by multiple military personnel condemning the genocide. Sorry I don't have the links. It seems that Aaron has not sacrificed in vain, as he's given others to come forward. Hopefully there will be a tsunami.
Thank you for this article.